Collective action against corruption in Western and non-Western countries: cross-cultural implications of the Axiological-Identitary Collective Action Model.

People sometimes protest government corruption, yet our current understanding of why they do so is culturally constrained. Can we separate pancultural factors influencing people's willingness to protest government corruption from factors culturally specific to each socioecological context? Surprisingly little cross-cultural data exist on this important question. To fill this gap, we performed a cross-cultural test of the Axiological-Identitary Collective Action Model (AICAM) regarding the intention to protest against corruption. As a collective action framework, AICAM integrates three classical antecedents of collective action (injustice, efficacy, identity) with axiological variables (ideology and morality). A total sample of 2,316 participants from six countries (Nigeria, Russia, India, Spain, United States, Germany) in a multilevel analysis of AICAM predictions showed that the positive relationship of the intention to protest corruption with moral obligation, system-based anger, and national identification can be considered pancultural. In contrast, the relationships between system justification and perceived efficacy are culturally specific. System justification negatively predicted the intention to participate only in countries with high levels of wealth, while perceived efficacy positively predicted it only in countries perceived as less corrupt. These findings highlight the importance of accounting features of socioecology and separating pancultural from culture-specific effects in understanding collective action.

'Only My Truth Can Save Us All': The Impact of Socioeconomic Threat and its Emotional Appraisals on the Monopoly on Truth and Political Extremism / 'Sólo mi Verdad Puede Salvarnos': Impacto de la Amenaza Socioeconómica y su Evaluación Emocional sobre el Monopolio de la Verdad y el Extremismo Político

Background: Political extremism is one of the main threats to democratic societies and it has been related to socioeconomic threats like COVID-19. We argue that socioeconomic threat perceptions increase Monopoly on Truth (MoT), a tendency to conceive personal values as undeniable truths that are worthy of being imposed. MoT will then prompt a rise in extremist intentions. Method: These hypotheses were tested in two experimental designs (N = 274 & 484). Study 1 manipulated socioeconomic threat, while Study 2 added a manipulation of the emotional appraisal of that threat. Results: In Study 1, MoT scores were significantly different and higher in the high-threat condition. In Study 2, threat levels did not cause statistically significant differences when emotional appraisal of the threat was manipulated, with anger causing MoT to increase. Study 2 also showed that MoT works as a precursor of extremist intentions. Conclusions: Socioeconomic threats and their emotional appraisals raise MoT and, indirectly, extremism. Beyond deepening our understanding of the causes of MoT, the current findings highlight the implications of different narratives framing socioeconomic crises that may become a facilitating factor of extremism.(AU)

Antecedentes: El extremismo político constituye una de las principales amenazas para las sociedades democráticas, y se ha relacionado con amenazas socioeconómicas como la COVID-19. Argumentamos que las percepciones de amenaza incrementan el Monopolio de la Verdad (MdV), una concepción de los valores personales como verdades innegables dignas de imponerse. El MdV provocaría además un aumento de las intenciones extremistas. Método: Se realizaron dos estudios experimentales (N = 274 y 484). En el Estudio 1 se manipuló la amenaza socioeconómica. El Estudio 2 añadió una manipulación de la evaluación emocional de dicha amenaza. Resultados: En el Estudio 1, las puntuaciones de MdV difirieron de forma estadísticamente significativa, siendo más altas en la condición de alta amenaza. En el Estudio 2 se observó que los niveles de amenaza no causaron diferencias estadísticamente significativas en MdV al manipular la evaluación emocional. La ira sí causó diferencias estadísticamente significativas en MdV. El Estudio 2 mostró que el MdV funciona como antecedente de intenciones extremistas. Conclusiones: Las amenazas socioeconómicas y su evaluación emocional provocan un aumento del MdV e, indirectamente, del extremismo. Además, nuestros hallazgos destacan la relevancia de las diferentes narrativas que enmarcan las amenazas, las cuales pueden llegar a fomentar el extremismo.(AU)

Recycled water acceptance: Data from two Spanish regions with opposite levels of scarcity.

The dataset presented in this paper were collected for testing a perceptive-axiological model of recycled water acceptance for low and high contact uses. Participants were selected by proportional random sampling by sex and age the two Spanish communities with the most extreme values of water stress (Galicia, the rainiest region and Murcia, the driest). Data were collected by a company specialized in market research using an online survey housed on Qualtrics. Participants who matched the specified profile were contacted by email. The company compensated them financially. The final sample size consisted of 726 valid responses. The survey collected data on a variety of variables related to three conceptual dimensions: the diagnosis of the environmental situation, the axiological influence and the public perceptions regarding recycled water. The survey also collected demographic data from respondents. The survey was designed and reviewed by four experts in social psychology and two experts in methodology. The dataset featured in this article provides the raw survey data plus sociodemographic distribution, survey items, and other statistical data. This is the first and most comprehensive set of comparative data known to the authors on public acceptance of water reuse for high and low contact uses comparing regions with and without water scarcity. The authors have published an open access paper based on this data set, which are linked to this paper. Water industry professionals, policymakers, researchers and other stakeholders aiming to implement wastewater reuse systems in society may be interested in using the data as a point of comparison for their own study on public acceptance of water reuse or examining the data for relationships not yet explored in the literature.

From scarcity problem diagnosis to recycled water acceptance: A perceptive-axiological model (PAM) of low and high contact uses.

Water scarcity is a major problem that affects a greater number of countries every year. A possible solution is using recycled water systems. However, to implement the use of recycled water, public acceptance is needed. In this study, we propose a perceptive-axiological model (PAM) to understand the reasons for public acceptance or rejection of recycled water. This is the first model to jointly consider three conceptual dimensions: the diagnosis of the environmental situation, the axiological influence and the public perceptions regarding recycled water. The sample in this study consisted of 726 randomly selected participants who completed an online questionnaire. A key factor considered was the type of water use (low- or high-contact). Additionally, the model's ability to predict acceptance in regions of high and low water stress was tested. The model showed good fit and predictive capacity for both low (R2 = .272) and high (R2 = .501) contact uses and partial equivalence between regions. Threat perception was the most distal variable in the model which, together with identity, affected the attribution of responsibility. These variables, along with trust in scientists, affected the three direct predictors of acceptance: perceived health risks, moral obligation, and cost-benefit analysis. Perceived health risk was the most important predictor in both types of contact (ß = -.642 in high-contact, ß = -.388 in low-contact uses). Moral obligation had a greater impact in high-contact (ß = .170) than in low-contact (ß = .099) uses; the opposite outcome occurred with respect to costs-benefit analysis (ß = .067 in high-contact, ß = .219 in low-contact uses). The PAM offers a general framework that identifies the importance of the three dimensions and how they interact with each other, which facilitates the development of strategies to increase acceptance. On the one hand, the PAM works as a tool to assess the profile of a specific population and, on the other hand, it highlights the specific factors which are the best suited for interventions to increase public acceptance.

Environmental Concern Priming and Social Acceptance of Sustainable Technologies: The Case of Decentralized Wastewater Treatment Systems.

According to a report by the World Economic Forum, the water crisis is the fourth most serious global risk to society. The apparent limitations of the hydraulic paradigm to solving this crisis are leading to a change in water management approaches. Recently, decentralized wastewater treatment systems have re-emerged as a partial solution to this problem. However, to implement these systems successfully, it is necessary not only to design this technology but also to have social support and willingness among citizens to use it. Previous studies have shown that these technologies are often perceived as being too costly, and people often do not consider the need for adopting them. However, it has also been pointed out that thinking about these technologies as a sustainable endeavor to reduce human impact on the environment can help to overcome the barriers to usage. Thus, we test whether priming environmental concerns before presenting information about decentralized wastewater treatment plants will increase acceptance of those technologies. In this study, we test whether priming environmental concerns can enhance the acceptance of decentralized wastewater treatment plants even when presenting disadvantages of the technology. In order to do so, we designed an experimental study with a sample of 287 people (85.7% women, M age=20, 28). The experimental design was 2 (priming the environmental concern vs. no priming)×2 (type of information: only advantages vs. advantages and disadvantages). The results showed that those in the environmental concern priming condition had more positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward decentralized wastewater treatment plants than those in the control condition group. Participants who received only advantages information had a more positive perception toward the decentralized wastewater systems than in the condition, where disadvantages were present, but in the priming condition this difference was not significant. This implies that priming environmental concern helps to overcome the possible disadvantages that act as barriers to acceptance.

Predicting Collective Action in a Secessionist Context: Different Motives for Two Opposed Stances.

Engagement in collective action is essential in the scenario of a secessionist struggle. In this scenario, two groups contend for an incompatible goal and one of them is favoured by the current status quo. Therefore, this context represents an excellent opportunity to compare the motives for participation among two groups whose situation and objectives differ drastically. We examined the motivations to participate in collective action of Catalan participants in the days leading to the independence referendum held in Catalonia (Spain) on the first of October 2017 (n = 719). As hypothesized, participation predicted by different motivations for each group. Regarding participation in the referendum, Catalan identity was the only predictor among pro-independence ranks, while those against independence showed a solidarity-based motivation. This work contributes to the literature by adapting previously researched collective action motivations to the context of a secessionist contention and providing evidence of their effect. Crucially, the motivations are different between supporters and opponents of independence, highlighting the need for examining the status and the stance on the system of groups when studying collective action.

Bolsonaro e Covid-19: negacionismo, militarismo e neoliberalismo / Bolsonaro and Covid-19: denialism, militarism and neoliberalism / Bolsonaro y Covid-19: negación, militarismo y neoliberalismo

O objetivo deste artigo é analisar o discurso do presidente Bolsonaro em relação à pandemia da COVID-19, para discutir o diagrama das suas práticas governamentais. Realizamos uma cartografia das reportagens sobre as falas de Bolsonaro publicadas na mídia no período de 26/02/2020 a 20/06/2020. Elaboramos três eixos de análise: Discurso negacionista e criação da própria narrativa; retórica militarista e criação do inimigo; e lógica neoliberal governamental. Constatamos que seu posicionamento e suas práticas necropolíticas estão à serviço da manutenção do funcionamento das engrenagens do diagrama neoliberal, em que a máxima defendida na contemporaneidade não é mais o "Fazer viver e deixar morrer", senão o "Produzir, e deixar morrer".

The aim of this article is to analyze President Bolsonaro's discourse regarding the COVID-19 pandemic in order to discuss the diagram of his governmental practices. We carried out a cartography of reports on Bolsonaro's speeches published in the media from 02/26/2020 to 06/20/2020. We elaborated three axes of analysis: Denialist discourse and creation of the narrative itself, Militaristic rhetoric and creation of the enemy, and Governmental neoliberal logic. We verified that his position and necropolitical practices are at the service of maintaining the functioning of the neoliberal diagram's gears, in which the maxim defended in contemporary times is no longer "Make live and let die", but "Produce and let die".

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el discurso del presidente Bolsonaro en relación a la pandemia de la COVID-19, para discutir el diagrama de sus prácticas gubernamentales. Realizamos una cartografía de los reportajes publicados en los medios de comunicación sobre las charlas de Bolsonaro en el periodo de 26/02/2020 a 20/06/2020. Elaboramos tres ejes de análisis: Discurso negacionista y creación de la propia narrativa; Retorica militarista y creación del enemigo y Lógica neoliberal gubernamental. Constatamos que su posicionamiento y sus prácticas necropolíticas están al servicio de la manutención del funcionamiento de los engranajes del diagrama neoliberal, en que la máxima defendida en la contemporaneidad no es más el "Hacer vivir y dejar morir", sino el "Producir y dejar morir".

Psychological and Situational Variables Associated with Objective Knowledge on Water-Related Issues in a Northern Spanish City.

This study brings together the level of objective knowledge on water-related issues and other variables of psychological and situational nature. A random sample of 459 participants was employed, selected proportionally based on sex and age. In this sample, knowledge on the water-related issues tended to be low, particularly related to the direct source of water in the household, the type of services involved in the management, and consumption itself. In order to understand both the relationship with knowledge on water and the relative importance of all the other factors, a regression model was formulated. The highest standardised effect was for sex, followed by occupation, political leaning, and water-related emotions. The best level of knowledge was attained if the residents were male, if they were actively employed or unemployed, if their political leaning was towards the left, and if they demonstrated greater emotional involvement with the water use. Consequently, the design of programmes would need to consider that the information flow must be greater for citizens as a whole, particularly for certain groups such as women and students. It should contribute to the realistic perception of water as a problem and to seek emotional involvement.

Multidimensional Model of Environmental Attitudes: Evidence Supporting an Abbreviated Measure in Spanish.

We conducted three independent studies to support the Spanish version of the Environmental Attitudes Inventory (EAI). The first study consisted of translating and pre-testing on a sample of 125 college students. The second consisted of testing the EAI on a sample of 225 university students in several undergraduate courses. Student data were collected using two different methods, through an online teaching platform and in the classroom. The findings were symmetrical in terms of precision and dimensionality. The third study completed the aforementioned ones testing the items on a representative sample from the general population in Spain. The participants were 630 citizens from 17 regions and responded to the EAI using an online platform. The results of the factor analysis led us to propose a measurement model, with 18 items and six first-order factors: environmental movement activism, conservation motivated by anthropocentric concern, confidence in science and technology, personal conservation behaviour, human dominance over nature, and support for population growth policies. External validity evidence was assessed by the correlation with the following variables: neuroticism, ecological behaviour, limits to economic growth, economic liberalism, sustainability, altruism, and social desirability. These estimations stayed away from demographic and personal aspects such as age, sex, political ideology, and region.

"Who Cares?": The Acceptance of Decentralized Wastewater Systems in Regions without Water Problems.

There is a growing interest in decentralized wastewater treatment systems, especially in regions with water scarcity problems or water management issues. This study aims to determine whether the perceived advantages and disadvantages (leading to acceptance) of decentralized wastewater plants in such regions are the same in regions where the population is not aware of these water issues. Firstly, this study systematically reviews previous findings on public perceptions of the acceptance of decentralized wastewater treatment systems. Then, the study details the results of a focus group study to determine whether the elements identified in the literature are also relevant in a region where people are unaware of water problems. The results show that a lack of awareness of water issues seems to be a critical factor influencing acceptance. Reframing the usefulness of these systems by focusing on other aspects, such as environmental sustainability, is key.

A ira e as emoções positivas no protesto político / Anger and positive emotions in political protest / La ira y las emociones positivas en la protesta política / Colère et émotions positives en protestation politique

Este estudo analisa o papel das emoções no protesto político. Nos modelos atuais, a ira é a única emoção que se associa a essas ações. No entanto, os autores consideram que não é a única emoção que mobiliza a cidadania, por isso afirmam que junto a ela devem existir outras de valência positiva. Nesta pesquisa participaram 316 estudantes universitários, aos quais se perguntou sobre sua intenção de mobilizar-se contra os cortes na educação. Os resultados mostram que a ira se correlaciona de maneira significativa com as emoções positivas. Ademais, a análise de mediação demonstra a relevância das emoções positivas para explicar as intenções de protesto e que a influência da ira sobre a intenção de participar se realiza fundamentalmente através das emoções positivas. Discute-se o papel das emoções e a necessidade de ampliar os motivos de participação.

This study analyses the role played by emotions in protest. In the current explanatory models, anger is the sole emotion associated with these actions. But is anger the only emotion capable of mobilising citizens to defenda cause? We believe not. Hence, we postulate that anger, along with other emotions of positive valence, must act jointly to facilitate protest. To test this hypothesis, a questionnaire was applied to 316 university students in a setting of cut-backs in education. The results highlight several interesting aspects. Firstly, anger correlated significantly and positively with the positive emotions. Secondly, the mediation analysis performed showed: a) the relevance of positive emotions for explaining the intention to participate; and b) the influence of anger on the intention to participate is fundamentally through positive emotions. We will also discuss the role of emotions and the need to extend the motives involved in political actions.

En este estudio se analiza el papel de las emociones en la protesta política. En los modelos actuales, la ira es la única emoción que se asocia a esas acciones. Sin embargo, los autores creen que no es la única emoción que moviliza a la ciudadanía, por ello afirman que junto a ella deben existir otras de valencia positiva. En este estudio participaron 316 estudiantes universitarios a los que se les preguntó por su intención de movilizarse en contra de los recortes en educación. Los resultados muestran que la ira correlaciona de manera significativa con las emociones positivas. Además el análisis de mediación muestra la relevancia de las emociones positivas para explicar las intenciones de protesta y que la influencia de la ira sobre la intención de participar se realiza fundamentalmente a través de las emociones positivas. Se discute el papel de las emociones y la necesidad de ampliar los motivos de participación.

Dans cette étude, le rôle des émotions dans la contestation politique est analysé. Dans les modèles actuels, la colère est la seule émotion associée à ces actions. Cependant, les auteurs estiment que ce n 'est pas la seule émotion qui mobilise le public. Ils affirment donc qu 'il doit exister d 'autres émotions de valence positive. Cette étude a été menée auprès de 316 étudiants d'université interrogés sur leur intention de se mobiliser contre les coupes dans le secteur de l'éducation. Les résultats montrent que la colère est significativement corrélée aux émotions positives. En outre, l 'analyse de la médiation montre la pertinence des émotions positives pour expliquer les intentions de protestation et que l 'influence de la colère sur l 'intention de participer réside principalement dans les émotions positives. Le rôle des émotions et la nécessité d'élargir les raisons de la participation sont discutés.

Axiological-Identitary Collective Action Model (AICAM): A new integrative perspective in the analysis of protest.

Current predictive models of collective action have devoted little attention to personal values, such as morals or ideology. The present research addresses this issue by incorporating a new axiological path in a novel predictive model of collective action, named AICAM. The axiological path is formed by two constructs: ideology and moral obligation. The model has been tested for real normative participation (Study 1) and intentional non-normative participation (Study 2). The sample for Study 1 included 531 randomly selected demonstrators and non-demonstrators at the time of a protest that took place in Madrid, May 2017. Study 2 comprised 607 randomly selected participants who filled out an online questionnaire. Structural equation modelling analysis was performed in order to examine the fit and predictive power of the model. Results show that the model is a good fit in both studies. It has also been observed that the new model entails a significant addition of overall effect size when compared with alternative models, including SIMCA. The present research contributes to the literature of collective action by unearthing a new, independent path towards collective action that is nonetheless compatible with previous motives. Implications for future research are discussed, mainly stressing the need to include moral and ideological motives in the study of collective action engagement.

Moral judgment, political ideology and collective action.

This study aimed to further the understanding of the processes involved in activism, as a form of collective action, based on differences in the quality of moral judgment and political ideology. It began with the assumption that differences in the quality of moral judgment can lead individuals to engage in different forms of collective action: activism or radicalism. Therefore, the associations among the variables political ideology, social identity, perception of social justice, activist identity and commitment, personal political salience, perception of efficacy and life purpose were analyzed. Path modelling was used to construct two models of political action: one based on conventional moral judgment and conservative political ideology, and the other based on post-conventional moral judgment and egalitarian political ideology. These two models were tested on samples of Brazilian and Spanish youths. The results confirmed the validity of using developmental social psychology to understand activism as a form of political action. The results confirmed the central hypothesis that differences in the quality of moral judgment and in political ideology are related to willingness to engage in qualitatively different types of actions: young people with conventional moral judgment and conservative political ideology declared their intention to engage in activism, while young people with post-conventional moral judgment egalitarian political ideology reported the intention to engage in both activist and radical actions.

Development and validation of the monopoly on truth scale. A measure of political extremism / Desarrollo y validación de la Escala de Monopolio de la Verdad. Una medida de extremismo político

BACKGROUND: Extreme political attitudes have been on the rise since the economic and political crisis of 2008. This surge of extremism constitutes a real threat, as attitudes like these are dangerous for the peaceful, democratic functioning of society. A new cognitive style, Monopoly on Truth has been proposed, based mainly on the concept of naïve realism. METHOD: The development and validation of a scale for this new construct is the main objective of this study. A pilot study (N=209) was performed in order to gather the items that make up the final scale; and a main study (N=369) was conducted to test the validity and predictive power of the scale. RESULTS: The validation is successful as the scale shows good reliability scores, while also proving to be linked to extremism-related constructs. Additionally, the scale shows signs of not being ideologically biased. CONCLUSION: Results show the scale to be a very useful tool for studying extremism and other political trends. Future directions and other implications of the Monopoly on Truth are also discussed

ANTECEDENTES: las actitudes políticas extremas han experimentado un crecimiento constante desde la crisis político-económica de 2008. Esta oleada de extremismo constituye una amenaza real, debido el peligro que supone para el funcionamiento pacífico y democrático de la sociedad. Se propone un nuevo estilo cognitivo, el Monopolio de la Verdad, basado principalmente en el concepto de realismo ingenuo. MÉTODO: el desarrollo y validación de una escala para este nuevo constructo es el objetivo principal del presente trabajo, para ello se llevó a cabo un estudio piloto (N=209) con la finalidad de desarrollar la escala, así como un estudio principal (N=369) cuyo propósito fue la validación de la misma. RESULTADOS: el proceso de construcción y validación fue satisfactorio ya que la escala muestra una buena fiabilidad y está vinculada con constructos relacionados con extremismo. Adicionalmente, la escala no muestra sesgos ideológicos. CONCLUSIONES: la Escala de Monopolio de la Verdad es una herramienta de gran interés para el estudio del extremismo y otras tendencias políticas. Se discuten también direcciones futuras y otras implicaciones del Monopolio de la Verdad

The Importance of Protesters' Morals: Moral Obligation as a Key Variable to Understand Collective Action.

Collective action and protest have become a normalized political behavior that in many cases defines the political agenda. The reasons why people take to the streets constitute a central subject within the study of social psychology. In the literature, three precedents of protest that have been established as central to the study of this phenomenon are: injustice, efficacy, and identity. But political action is also deeply related to moral values. This explains why in recent years some moral constructs have also been pointed out as predictors of collective action. Moral variables have been introduced into the literature with little consideration to how they relate to each other. Thus, work in this direction is needed. The general aim of this research is to differentiate moral obligation from moral norms and moral conviction, as well as to compare their ability to predict collective action. In order to do so, the research objectives are: (a) conceptualize and operationalize moral obligation (Study 1, N = 171); (b) test its predictive power for intention to participate in protests (Study 2, N = 622); and (c) test moral obligation in a real context (Study 3, N = 407). Results are encouraging, showing not only that moral obligation is different to moral conviction and moral norm, but also that it is a more effective predictor working both for intention and real participation. This work therefore presents moral obligation as a key precedent of protest participation, prompting its future use as a variable that can enhance existing predictive models of collective action. Results regarding other variables are also discussed.

Para una psicología social crítica no construccionista: reflexiones a partir del realismo crítico de Ignacio Martín-Baró / For a Critic Social Psychology Non-Constructionist: Reflexions from the Critic Realism of Ignacio Martín-Baró

Resumen La naturaleza sociohistóricamente construida y compartida del conocimiento y de la subjetividad que el construccionismo social parece haberse arrogado en propiedad, forma parte de la historia de la ciencia social. Por otra parte, la crítica al modelo causal-mecanicista como única fuente de conocimiento, que el movimiento construccionista considera una de sus principales aportaciones epistemológicas, se remonta nada menos que a Kant. La verdadera aportación del construccionismo social ha consistido en suprimir la experiencia como fuente del conocimiento y de la subjetividad, negar la existencia de una realidad externa al sujeto, mantenerse ontológicamente mudo frente a ella y desconfiar de la posibilidad de cambiarla. Parece evidente que sobre estos cimientos no es posible, tal y como se ha pretendido, construir una psicología social crítica. Frente a ella, y en sus antípodas, el realismo crítico de Martín-Baró parte de la existencia de una realidad objetiva cuyas injusticias y miserias denunció de manera insistente, se vale de métodos cuantitativos para analizarla; la estructura social es su marco de referencia preferido a la hora de estudiar las diversas modalidades y manifestaciones del comportamiento humano, no renuncia a la existencia de verdades parciales y sociohistóricamente situadas y define como objetivo de su quehacer teórico, el cambio social.

The sociohistorically built and created nature of knowledge and subjectivity that social constructionism seems to have arrogated is part of the history of social Science. Moreover, criticism to the casual mechanistic model as the only source of knowledge #that the constructionist movement considers as one of its main epistemological contributions# goes back to none other than Kant. The real contribu tion of social constructionism has consisted in deleting experience as a resource for knowledge and subjectivity, denying the existence of an extemal reality to the subject, keeping ontologically quiet towards it, and distrusting the possibility of changing it. It seems evident that building a critical social psychology upon these foundations is not possible. Opposing this, Martin-Baró's critical realism is based on the existence of an objective reality of which injustices and wretchedness he insistently denounced. This critical realism malees use of quantitative methods to analyze this objective reality, it holds social structure as its preferred framework when studying the different modalities and manifestations of human behavior, it does not deny the existent of partial and sociohistorically situated truths, and it identifies social change as the objective of its theoretical work.

Political Protest in Times of Crisis. Construction of New Frames of Diagnosis and Emotional Climate.

In times of crisis, political mobilizations increase. Many of them compete to impose a determined diagnosis of the situation. This work analyses this issue, taking into consideration two of the movements that have had a greater incidence during the crisis in Spain: The Catalonian National Assembly and the Marches for dignity. The objective is to know how the categories of aggrieved ingroup and outgroup responsible were identified and how both these movements defined the emotional climate at that moment. This work includes two studies. In the first one, an analysis of the categories identified in the manifestos published by these two movements was carried out. The results show that the Marches for dignity constructed a more inclusive ingroup identity and show a more negative emotional climate than the Catalonian National Assembly. The second study includes a sample of 919 participants and non-participants in 2 demonstrations called by those organizations. In this case MANOVAs of 2 (Type of demonstration: Catalonian National Assembly, Marches for dignity) × 2 (Type of participants: participants, non-participants) were performed. Results show that participants in both demonstrations have a higher level of injustice than non-demonstrators. Furthermore, demonstrators in Marches for dignity have a more negative perception of emotional climate than non-demonstrators. However, and contrary to the hypothesis, demonstrators of the Catalonian National Assembly have a more positive perception of emotional climate than non-demonstrators. The work explains these results in the socio-political context in which each of these movements acts and highlights the relevance of comparative investigation designs to further the knowledge of political mobilization dynamics.

Psicologia Política no Brasil: análise bibliométrica sobre sua revista / Political Psychology in Brazil: bibliometric analysis on its journal / Psicología Política en Brasil: análisis bibliométrico sobre su revista / Psychologie politique au Brésil: une analyse bibliométrique de son journal

Em 2015 a Revista Psicologia Política (RPP) completou quinze anos de existência, com 34 números e 319 artigos e resenhas. O objetivo deste artigo é conhecer a produção acadêmica da RPP para discutir os temas pesquisados e o perfil dos autores. Realizamos uma análise bibliométrica, quantitativa e descritiva, sobre todos os artigos publicados. O perfil do autor da RPP é eminentemente feminino, com formação em Psicologia, vinculado a Instituições públicas e da região sudeste. Os temas pesquisados são muito variados, assim como os métodos e referenciais teóricos, afastando-se das questões clássicas da Psicologia Política dos Estados Unidos e da Europa. O compromisso ético-político da Psicologia foi um dos eixos comuns encontrados. Entretanto, consideramos ser de importância a produção de um denominador comum mais consistente à área.

In 2015, the Revista Psicologia Política (RPP) celebrated 15 years of existence, with 34 issues and 319 articles and reviews. The aim of this article is to know the academic production of the RPP to discuss the subjects that were researched and the profile of its authors. We carry on a bibliometric analysis, quantitative and descriptive on all published articles. The author's profile of the RPP is eminently female, from public Institutions and southeastern region of the country. The topics investigated are varied, such as the methods and the theories, differing from the classical questions of the Political Psychology of the United States and Europe. The ethical-political commitment was one of the axes found. However, we consider that the production of a common denominator more consistent to the field is necessary.

En 2015, la Revista Psicologia Política (RPP) cumplió quince años de existencia, con 34 números y 319 artículos y reseñas. El objetivo de este artículo es conocer la producción académica de la RPP para discutir los temas investigados y el perfil de sus autores. Realizamos un análisis bibliométrico, cuantitativo y descriptivo, sobre todos los artículos publicados. El perfil del autor de la RPP es eminentemente femenino, vinculado a las Instituciones públicas y de la región sudeste del país. Los temas investigados son muy variados, así como los métodos y marcos teóricos, que se alejan de las cuestiones clásicas de la Psicología Política de los Estados Unidos y de la Europa. El compromiso ético-político fue uno de los ejes encontrados. Todavía, consideramos que es necesaria la producción de un denominador común más consistente al campo.

En 2015, la Revista Psicologia Política (RPP) a fêté ses 15 ans d'existence, avec 34 numéros et 319 articles et critiques. L'objectif de cette article est de connaître la production académique du RPP pour discuter les thèmes étudiés et le profil des auteurs. Nous effectuons une analyse bibliométrique, quantitative et descriptive sur tous les articles publiés. Le profil de l'auteur du RPP est éminemment féminin, avec une formation en psychologie, liée aux institutions publiques et à la région sudest du pays. Les thèmes étudiés sont très variés, ainsi que les méthodes et les théories, différant des questions classiques de la psychologie politique des États-Unis et de l'Europe. L'engagement éthique et politique était l'un des axes trouvés. Cependant, nous considérons que la production d'un dénomina-teur commun plus cohérent avec le champ est nécessaire.

El papel de la identidad, la eficacia y las emociones positivas en las acciones colectivas de resistencia pacífica en contextos violentos / The role of identity, efficacy and positive emotions in collective actions of peaceful resistance in violent contexts

Resumen Este trabajo explora los motivos que conducen a la participación en acciones de resistencia pacífica bajo condiciones de violencia armada. Fundamentados en los marcos de acción colectiva, se analizó el papel que ejercen la identidad, el agravio, la ira, la esperanza, la satisfacción moral y la eficacia sobre la implicación en acciones de resistencia pacífica. Participaron 739 personas que viven en medio del conflicto armado colombiano, con diferentes niveles de implicación en los movimientos de resistencia pacífica. Análisis de correlaciones y de regresión muestran que todas las variables correlacionaron significativamente con el nivel de implicación en acciones de resistencia, a excepción de la ira, y que las mejores predictoras son la eficacia, la esperanza-satisfacción moral y la identidad. Mediante un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales, se analizó el papel que ejercen las variables para motivar acciones de resistencia pacífica. Los resultados evidencian paths directos y significativos. El agravio es incorporado al modelo como una variable exógena que actúa sobre la identidad para potenciar su influencia motivadora de la participación. La identidad potencia el papel mediador de la esperanza-satisfacción moral y de la eficacia. Los hallazgos hacen un aporte novedoso a la teoría tradicional que explica el surgimiento de las acciones colectivas, pues incorporan emociones positivas y poco estudiadas en el contexto de la movilización, tal y como son la esperanza y la satisfacción moral.

Abstract This paper explores the motives leading to the participation in pacific resistance actions under the conditions of armed violence. Based within the framework of collective action, the roles of identity, grief, anger, hope-moral satisfaction, and efficacy were analyzed on their implications on the actions of pacific resistance. The participants were 739 people living in the middle of the Colombian armed conflict, with different levels of involvement in pacific resistance movements. Correlation and regression analysis shows that all variables are significantly correlated to the level of involvement in resistance actions, except for anger. The best predictors in a regression equation are efficacy, moral hope-satisfaction, and identity. We used a structural equation model to analyze the role of these variables in motivating non-violent resistance actions, and the results show direct and significant paths. Grief is incorporated in the model as an exogenous variable that acts on identity, in order to potentiate its important motivational influence for the participation in resistance actions. The identity potentiates the mediator role of moral satisfaction-hope and efficacy. These findings are a novel contribution to the traditional theory, which explains the emergence of collective actions, since it incorporates positive and less-studied emotions within the mobilization context, such as hope and moral satisfaction.

Psicología y política en Brasil:: ¿Psicología politizada o Psicología política?

Este artículo tiene como objetivo conocer los discursos sobre la relación entre psicología y política en Brasil, para discutir la constitución, características generales y conformación actual de la Psicología Política brasileña. Como método de investigación fue realizada una revisión bibliográfica sobre toda la literatura publicada sobre Psicología Política en Brasil. Se constató que su emergencia derivó del encuentro y debate entre dos campos independientes, de la articulación entre el campo de conocimiento y su dimensión ético-política, o sea, de la Psicología Política instituida con una Psicología politizada, de corte marxista. Concluye con una definición general de que la Psicología Política brasileña es el campo transdisciplinar de saberes resultante de la articulación entre una caja de herramientas de teorías psicosociales y un proyecto ético-político por la autonomía y transformación social. Así, a través de variados referentes teóricos, sostiene la utopía de incitar procesos de concientización y cambio en las relaciones de poder instituidas.

This article aims to know the discourses about the relationship between psychology and politics in Brazil, to discuss the constitution, general characteristics and current conformation of Brazilian Political Psychology. As a research method, we carried out a bibliographic review on all the published literature on Political Psychology in Brazil. It was found that its emergence resulted from the meeting and debate between two independent fields, from the articulation between the field of knowledge and its ethical-political dimension, that is, the Political Psychology instituted with a politicized Psychology, from a Marxist perspective. It concludes with a general definition that Brazilian Political Psychology is the transdisciplinary field of knowledge resulting from the articulation of a toolbox of psychosocial theories and an ethical-political project for autonomy and social change. Thus, through several theoretical references, it defends the utopia of inciting processes of empowerment and change in the instituted power relations.

Este artigo tem como objetivo conhecer os discursos sobre a relação entre psicologia e política no Brasil, para discutir a constituição, características gerais e conformação atual da Psicologia Política brasileira. Como método de investigação foi realizada uma revisão bibliográfica sobre toda a literatura publicada sobre Psicologia Política no Brasil. Foi constatado que sua emergência derivou do encontro e debate entre dois campos independentes, da articulação entre o campo de conhecimento e sua dimensão ético-política, ou seja, da Psicologia Política instituída com uma Psicologia politizada, de viés marxista. Conclui com uma definicáo geral de que a Psicologia Política brasileira é o campo transdisciplinar de saberes resultante da articulação de uma caixa de ferramentas de teorias psicossociais e um projeto ético-político pela autonomia e transformação social. Assim, através de diversos referenciais teóricos, defende a utopia de fomentar processos de conscientização e mudança nas relações de poder instituídas.